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Bringing the “social” back in: studies of production

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Bringing the “social” back in: studies of production
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Bringing the “social” back in:
studies of production
cultures and social theory
Vicki Mayer
1 Introduction
In this article, I argue that studies of media
As a field of study, “production studies” captures
production should use grounded case studies in
for me the ways that power operates locally
order to evaluate and reformulate classic social
theories of production in light of the new spirit of
through media production to reproduce social
capitalism. To wit, I present fieldwork with reality
hierarchies and inequalities at the level of daily
television casting personnel in which casters fail
to achieve their industrial production goals. In
interactions. Production studies, in other words,
this case, instances of failure may illustrate how
“ground” social theories by showing us how
the social concept of alienation is lived through
processes of television production.
Keywords
Alienation. Failure. Production studies. Reality
television. Social theory.
specific production sites, actors, or activities tell
us larger lessons about workers, their practices,
and the role of their labors in relation to politics,
economics, and culture. It is this connection,
between the micro contexts and the macro
forces, which illuminate the social implications
in an otherwise narrow case study and modify the
grand claims, that have become commonplace
regarding the role of media in society. Terms such
as “hegemony,” “ideology,” and, in the case of the
study below, “alienation” may describe general
ways that media exert effects over subjects, but
Vicki Mayer | [email protected]
Tulane University. Doutora em comunicação pela University of
California, San Diego. Diretora do Departamento de Comunicação na
Tulane University.
Este artigo é uma versão modificada e atualizada do capítulo 1
de MAYER, Vicki, BANKS, Miranda, and CALDWELL, John T. (EDS.)
Production studies: Cultural studies of media industries. New York:
Routledge, 2009.
they cannot describe the particular ways that
these forces are distributed to social groups
differentiated by gendered, racial, and class
positions. It is also this connection between
macro and micro that is so frequently lost in the
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Abstract
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efforts to describe the current media landscape,
Marx highlighted the fact that modern capitalist
its interconnected industries, and its networks of
societies require workers who recognize that
professionals. It is ironic that as media industries
their physical means of subsistence depend on
continue to aggregate and dominate larger labor
this political economic system of creating wealth
markets and audience shares, fewer production
for others. This second characteristic of alienated
studies have actually addressed the real ways that
labor is what made Hollywood workers such an
local communities construct their subjectivities
apropos case study. Movies were arguably the
in the face of these consolidations of media
most powerful goods the United States produced
capital and reconfigurations of media work.
through a vast economy of laborers whose
realities. From the 1930s to the early 1950s, a
series of international scholars, many of whom
published in the United States, tried to envision
how media workers experienced the growth of a
cinematic industrial complex based in Hollywood,
and its attempts to harness and control labor
power. Written at a time when many Americans
existence depended upon this product, which
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surpassed the value of the labor and devalued the
work of the laborer. Looking back on early media
production studies, we can see the ways that Leo
Rosten (1941) and Hortense Powdermaker (1950)
in particular theorized the concept of alienation
through their empirical studies of Hollywood
labor, work practices, and subjective experience.
were already deeply skeptical about the growing
Although shifts in the global political economy
commercialization of culture and the threats of
from production-based to consumer-based has
propaganda, both political and economic, these
rendered some of Marx’s insights obsolete, it is
early foci on producers and production belie
his attempt to relate political economy to the
the desire for a holistic sense of how production
formation of subjectivities that seems still useful
and consumption intertwined in the lives of
to ponder today. In this article, I argue that we
real people. They documented how alienation,
can still theorize alienation, but that it must
a Marxist concept found in his Economic and
come through empirical cases that contribute
Philosophical Manuscripts of 1844, operated to
a broader understanding of work experience in
estrange people from the value of the things they
light of what Luc Boltanski and Eve Chiapello call
made (MARX, 2000). For Marx, the bigger and
the “new spirit of capitalism,” the zeitgeist that
more economically powerful a product was after
encompasses the present realities of capitalist
its production, the more the workers who made it
production (BOLTANSKI; CHIAPELLO, 2005). To
suffered. In the process, their work was devalued,
illustrate, I draw upon a single event in a longer
erased by the value of a product they had no
ethnography of reality television casters as a new
control over distributing. More importantly,
worker category in the television industry. The
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Social theory was not always divorced from local
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event – a casting call that failed to attract any
European film markets, and the enforcement
participants – reveals some of the central ways
of anti-trust laws laid bare a political economy
in which local production studies might theorize
that accelerated capital accumulation: “The
forms of alienation in a grounded way, and why
manufacture of movies substituted the problem
television industry workers labor to erase all
of selling a commodity for the problem of
trace of these theoretically productive moments.
‘having a wonderful time.’ Hollywood was forced
– more or less – to shift its attention from
2 Social theory in two
early production studies
the Arabian Nights to Dun and Broadstreet.”
Leo Rosten’s study of 1930s Hollywood begins
workers now sought individualist goals that
with a simple restatement of division between
emphasized competition over solidarity and
superstructure and base, or the difference
strategic alliances over organic community.
between the lavish appearances in movies and
The objectification of their labor extended to
the material conditions that produce them. Like
self-objectification, in which elites consciously
other worker communities, Hollywood is a social,
realized the need to promote their own celebrity
not geographic entity, but unlike them, the
through extravagant spending and highly
public aura of their symbolic product shadows
public conjugal relations. Elites “cease to be
the real processes of capital accumulation: “the
individuals and become business institutions,”
public never sees [J.P.] Morgan making money
writes Rosten, who interestingly observes them
or [Henry] Ford making cars; but it does see
as the most alienated class (Ibid., p. 123). Paid
[actor] Robert Taylor making faces” (ROSTEN,
far below business elites and less powerful than
1941, p. 18). This equivalence – between
political elites, Hollywood elites seemed to have
money, cars, and faces – is the basis for the
an “unconscious need for anxiety,” that kept
alienation, in which thousands of workers are
them swinging between elation and despair
anonymous, “in the shadow” of a product with
(Ibid., p. 39). Unable to assess their own value
more value and power in the global economy
except through income and status comparisons,
than themselves (Ibid., p. 32). Hollywood merely
elites worked long hours but were perennially
indexed the national split between estranged
dissatisfied and discontent.
This insight that alienation was tied to the
While certainly not radical in his deposition,
production process over the social class of
Rosten was centrally concerned with the dialectic
the worker continued to be a dominant theme
between workers’ material conditions and
in Hortense Powdermaker’s ethnography of
their subjectivities. World War II, the closure of
Hollywood in the late-1940s. Like Rosten,
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labor and its objectified forms.
(Ibid., p. 28). Driven by profit motives,
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neglected in favor of other resources (Ibid.,
by profits, especially at the top of production
p. 288). Powdermaker claims that producers
hierarchies, where “the game becomes the ends
deceive themselves into thinking of themselves
and is played compulsively” (POWDERMAKER,
as autonomous competitors rather than
1950, p. 99). In addition, though, she spent
individuals tied to together by their potential
far more time with workers at the bottom of
for creative expression and hard work. Her
these hierarchies, whose externalized labor
assertion that freedom was not just desirable for
rendered them as property that she compares
many workers, but completely possible despite
to feudal serfs, African American slaves,
alienation, seems to give insight into why some
prostitutes, and indentured servants (Ibid.,
workers accepted exploitative conditions in
p. 85, 149, 215). Although Marx characterizes
exchange for a self-realization through “a
alienation as a state of being under modern
human form of collaboration” (Ibid., p. 303).
capitalism, Powdermaker’s metaphors and their
This obvious contradiction, alienation but self-
accompanying biographical stories of Hollywood
realization through collaboration, adds a layer
actors, writers, and directors seem to show that
to the social theories of the day, showing that
profit is not the only value in a capitalist political
capitalism would be even more effective if it
economy. Rather, producers and executives often
allowed workers to collaborate to realize each
rejected a profitable employee in return for an
individual’s organic talents.
imaginary ownership over the product. In this
case, the studios hid net profits of films to exert
greater control over their contracted producers,
allowing executives to claim the product was in
fact their creation.
Powdermaker and Rosten contribute empirical
evidence to social theorizing of the era, most
notably the piercing critique found in Max
Horkheimer and Theodor Adorno’s Dialectic
of Enlightenment (HORKHEIMER; ADORNO,
The key to ownership in Powdermaker’s text
1976). For them, alienation connected
is the lack of freedom that workers trade for
production and consumption, succeeding in
success in the industry. Freedom is not a break
“sacrificing whatever involved a distinction
from alienation, in particular the estrangement
between the logic of the work and that of
that results from the division of labor, but seems
the social system” (Ibid., p. 121). Workers
to imply a role for workers to more openly
participate in an increasingly efficient industrial
collaborate in the labor process. When time
system of mass production and consumption,
rationalization, bureaucratic management, and
making them eventually “redundant as
commercial technologies displace the natural
producers” of standardized objects and the
technologies of the self, “brains and talent” are
liberal ideology of individual merit, competition,
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Powdermaker found workers motivated first
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way through “complex” social networks that all
processes of material and social standardization,
have more or less the same status and power.
while also reaffirming their unflinching
Producers are still anxious in studies that chart
allegiance to the system. On these points
processes from the making of a documentary to
alone, Rosten’s and Powdermaker’s studies
the selling of a television series, but workers
extend Horkheimer and Adorno’s perceptions
are also more likely to have independent
of alienation. First, they showed how different
agency and feel vindicated by a successful
types of producers in Hollywood experienced
final product. In part, the political economy of
alienation differently. Indeed, Rosten’s elites
the industry has changed. Film and television
were in many ways the most alienated. Second,
industries simultaneously promote teamwork
these authors envisioned collective modes of
and flexibility while espousing piecework and
creative ownership over production that would
outsourcing. Creative production has been
allow more control over the process while
industrialized in accordance with Horkheimer
embedding them deeper into a system still
and Adorno, but the production processes
driven by alienated labor and profit motives. In
resemble more a bygone era of bohemian
this respect, Powdermaker – the anthropologist,
artists than the individuated factory floor. In
not the social theorist – is almost prescient in
their discussion of these material shifts, Luc
foregrounding the current era of team-based
Boltanski and Eve Chiapello propose that a new
production and flexible work conditions that
spirit of capitalism has stifled intellectual social
simultaneous liberate and harness creativity
critique by co-opting the language of 1960s
to generate profit. She predicts: “to liberate
liberation into managerial-speak.
the unused resources of talent in Hollywood
entails changes in the way of thinking, in the
system of production which reflects the way of
thinking and, finally, in the allocation of power”
(POWDERMAKER, 1950, p. 303).
Compare these grounded theories of the
dialectics of subjective formations and material
exploitations with the relative lack of class
critique today. In the new lexicon of production
studies, producers frequently “negotiate” their
1 This date refers to the radical student movements in France and beyond.
Success in this new spirit – autonomy, spontaneity, rhizomorphousness capacity, multitasking (in contrast to the narrow specialization in the old division of labour), conviviality,
openness to others and novelty, availability,
creativity, visionary institution, sensitivity to
differences, listening to lived experience and
receptiveness to a whole range of experiences,
being attracted to informality and the search
for interpersonal contacts – these are taken
directly from the repertoire of May 1968.1 But
these themes, which in the texts of the May
movement were combined with a radical critique of capitalism… are often to be found in
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and desire (Ibid., p. 150). Elites control these
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In one way, we might speculate that the new
economy for film and television co-opted the
values of artists in Powdermaker’s era and turned
them profitable, thus silencing critique from
many who framed alienation in terms of factory
work and assembly line production.
and position themselves against competitors.
Given these difficulties, the job of building social
theories grounded in the local experiences of
practitioners seems as much a question of finding
case studies that illustrate the times and places
where the unexpected occurs and the rhetoric
of achievement is called into question. Such was
the case of a 2007 casting call in which I was a
participant observer.
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3 The casting call as a
case study in alienation
I wanted to go to a casting call to witness what
I had been interviewing workers about for over
two years at this point. I was interested in
In another way, though, the problem of social
reality casters, that is, the workers who cast
theory building might also be a methodological
the people that we eventually see under the
issue. Rosten and Powdermaker, as developed
broad umbrella of reality television programs.
more fully in other places (SULLIVAN, 2009;
Reality casters are a prime example of invisible
MAYER, 2008), had a special access to
labor; their work is objectified in the cast
Hollywood’s production personnel. Rosten
member whose value is measured in ratings and
worked in the industry; Powdermaker entered
advertising rates that can never be passed back
it on her own. In contrast, much of our work
to the caster. Production companies rarely even
today comprises interviews on the phone or
acknowledge the work of the caster in the form
electronic correspondences, methods that open
of program ending credits, which themselves
considerable distance between what subjects say
have become illegible video streams alongside
about themselves and what they do. Observational
previews for other programs. Despite these
methods are similarly limited. Executives give
mechanisms of alienation, casters in phone
access to researchers to emphasize commercial
interviews were largely sanguine about their
successes and obscure failures. Corporate
efforts, its value to the television industry, and
events are staged in spaces and at times when
their experience of the daily routines. When
networks, advertisers, and trade industries
the opportunity arose for me to attend a live
celebrate themselves to gain market advantage
casting call as a participant-observer, I jumped
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the neo-management literature autonomized,
as it were – represented as objectives that
are valid in their own right, and placed in the
service of forces whose destruction they were
intended to hasten. The critique of the division
of labour, of hierarchy and supervision – that is
to say, the way industrial capitalism alienates
freedom – is thus detached from the critique
of market alienation, of oppression by impersonal market forces (BOLTANSKI; CHIAPELLO,
2005, p. 97).
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to attend. I wanted to see how well the reality
local contestants on their network’s program
of the work matched with interviewees’ self-
American Idol. In turn, the network program
appraisals of their work.
often broadcasts these local outpourings of
organized quickly and somewhat at the last
minute. The program succeeded in its extension
through the television season, from the original
nine episodes to thirteen. The producers were
elated, but suddenly they would need four more
episodes in an abbreviated time frame, from
the initial three months of production to now a
single month. Christmas holidays were looming
and there would be few opportunities to get cast
members if the production team did not act
quickly. “Andrew,” a casting associate for the
program, felt the pressure2: “This is the time I
get nervous,” he told me. “There’s always the risk
that no one shows and the affiliate puts all this
work into the event for nothing”.
The fear that labor would be wasted is a very
real risk in assessing the value of a casting call.
Television network affiliates frequently help
production companies organize casting calls in
the hopes that a local person will be selected
for the cast. The local person is a commodity
that boosts affiliates’ advertising rates for the
program and can be tied to promotional events
for the station. One classic example: Fox News
affiliates frequently chronicle the progress of
emotion for the local contestant at planned
fan parties and welcome home gatherings
sponsored by the affiliates. The longer the local
stays in the program, the higher the exchange
value for the affiliate. The search for a local
cast member is therefore a type of lottery for
numerous workers in that gauged their own
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success on the chance that their work could
be objectified in the form of a contestant,
character, or participant who not only appeared
on the screen, but might reappear. This
economy was the basis for workers’ anxieties
throughout the production team, broadcast
networks, and their affiliates, as well as the
foundation for guaranteed alienation from the
product of their labors.
The anxiety was palpable around this particular
call, which targeted families with small
children. I arrived well ahead of the 3 p.m.
start time to a kids’ daycare facility, one in
which upper-middle class families bought
memberships so that their children had a
designated play space in the large urban
environment in which they grew up. Andrew’s
team and the local television affiliate had
convinced the owner of the facility that by
hosting the call, they would cross-promote
2 All names have been changed in accordance with the guidelines for human subjects’ anonymity as required by the Tulane Office
of Human Research Protection. In addition, all names of identifying features of the program associated with this casting call have
been obscured to the best of my abilities.
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Like many casting calls, this one had to be
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the daycare company. The owner “Jeff” said
and travel to a remote location. Further, it was
he expected no less than thirty families as he
the first cold snap of the winter season in the
cleared two spaces in the kitchen area: one table
city, making an outdoor excursion even less likely.
for interviews and another for those queued to
We sat down at the interview table and waited.
interview. On the first table, Andrew had neatly
A news cameraman for the affiliate station who
arranged pens and applications. He searched for
arrived to record the expected crowd also waited.
chairs and made phone calls to the television
“If there’s a fire, I’m out of here”, he stated, but
affiliate contacts. On the second table, “Natalie,”
three hours later, we were all still there. Not a
Jeff’s employee, had laid out a spread of cookies,
single applicant came to the casting call.
least fifty attendees. She also inflated helium
balloons and decorated the entire warehouse
space with streamers. Jeff placed a life-size
standee from the program at the front door with
signs he had commissioned from the local copy
shop. Nervously, he chewed out the mail service
representative that had guaranteed that twenty
copies of the book authored by the program’s host
would arrive in time. Jeff had invested several
hundred dollars in accessorizing the call. He
said he just wanted “to break even” to justify his
investment, but he spent the afternoon talking
about how much the event cost and how he hoped
to generate new customers and turn a profit
to justify the work. “I think we’ll have at least
thirty families today,” Jeff said again, repeating
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Jeff was distraught, having spent weeks on
preparation and invested income on the event no
one came to. The cameraman was bored, flipping
through children’s books in the play area. Even
Andrew, who was upbeat in his interactions with
me, was now disappointed, having incorrectly
predicted that his efforts would bear results.
Although he did not expect a crowd, he hoped
that applicants would at least call in to the
daycare to inquire about the call. The only
product produced after four people worked for
five hours that day was a videotape of Jeff’s three
children, Andrew, and me watching an episode of
the program itself on television. The cameraman
delivered the tape to the affiliate newsroom for
the evening’s late night broadcast.
his sanguine prediction, but perhaps less sure of
The invisible and, ultimately, unproductive labors
himself this time.
of workers for the production company, the
Andrew was less optimistic on this point, guessing
that perhaps five families would attend the call.
He knew from experience that families were a
difficult demographic if only because it required
the target audience to coordinate their schedules
television affiliate, and the daycare, as well as
the owner, belie the obvious aspects of alienated
labor involved in many, if not most, casting calls.
Quite simply, a lot of time and effort goes to
waste in finding “real people” that could just as
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crackers, juice boxes, and other snacks for at
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easily be found next door, at the supermarket,
part of outreach.” Whereas alienation made
or in the shopping mall. The exchange value of
for nervous workers throughout the operation,
the call relates more to whether local media
calling attention to their lack of control over the
industries can capitalize on an on-screen
object, the investments in each person’s role
participant as a brand, something that may have
still led to individuated experiences of the event,
no relation to the efforts of those involved with
creating tensions.
call and its reception by the people I observed
gives some insights into how alienation makes
working subjects. This particular casting call
demanded coordination and collaboration
between various types of workers, which,
in the beginning, seemed full of potential
and enthusiasm, but, ultimately, resulted in
boredom and some isolation as workers faced
the individual consequences of the call’s
failure. The clear separation of the production
process from the product created anxiety, and
then disappointment, when the process failed
to produce the applicants. At another level,
though, the business owner Jeff most embodied
these emotions. He clearly felt the most at
stake in attracting publicity, so much so, he
commodified his own kin in a staged news clip.
In contrast, Andrew, who felt pressure to deliver
participants for the program, could also look
to other mechanisms for gathering applicants,
such as phone calls and the news clip itself,
which would promote calls to the production
base in Hollywood. “People will see the episode
tonight and then the news story that we want
local families”, he said. “After the program airs,
we can get 100-200 calls. So this [event] is all
Another factor that might help us to understand
these tensions were the trajectories of these
workers, in particular Jeff and Andrew. The
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former had left a career in hotel management
to become a business owner. The latter was an
artist by training, working as a casting director
to support his primary career goal. Both talked
about these alternative careers during the
long wait for applicants. Andrew stressed, “I
really do this to pay the bills.” In contrast, Jeff
said he “put everything” into the business: “My
years in hospitality are the basis for what I’m
trying to do here.” While this might be a facile
comparison, it is also possible to see how media
industries manage alienation by spreading the
risk of failure through organizational networks.
Production studios benefit when they hire
workers who can defer their insecurities either
to other collaborators or to other pursuits
outside of the industry. Of course, these
insecurities return, as in that nagging feeling
that Andrew had at the beginning of the event.
Yet, the object lesson of the casting call might
be how failure in the production process has the
power to reveal workers’ alienation to themselves,
but the industry’s structure also gives them the
alibis for explaining it away. Again, workers
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casting calls. Instead, the process of the casting
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experience this differently. The younger casting
opportunities. This is an opportunity not to
director still hoped his art would be the path from
repackage the insights of past production
alienation, explaining away the failure of day as a
studies, but to replace it in light of a new
step towards unification with an artist community;
economy of film and television production.
success of this event as an indicator whether his
skills from the hospitality industry can help him
achieve his own financial independence.
4 Productive theorizing
from production failures?
Alienation seems to be a continuing feature of
modern production, whether in the refurbished
industrial space of a daycare or in the postindustrial practices of the reality caster waiting
for the next contract. Production studies offer
the opportunity not just to confirm the ongoing
presence of this social phenomenon locally,
but theorize, from the ground, how it “works”:
making producers into productive subjects.
Television programs, the result of hundreds
of micro-processes from script-writing to
distribution, rely on thousands of collaborative
efforts, but without some form of fieldwork
it is hard to know how these collaborations
manifest to make workers accept the fact that
the arrangements result in uncompensated
labors. While one case study cannot illuminate
the range of possible experiences of alienation,
it can become one of the building blocks for
a theory that shows the variations among
workers, based on their role in a collaborative
project, their career trajectory, and their future
The casting call seemed to present alienation
not just in flashes of recognition that the
work was devalued, usurped, or erased, but
also in the deferral to the next project. For
this reason, local production studies might
10/13
also focus more on failures in the production
process, what did not work or go well according
to industrial standards. Not only are the
failures simply necessary for defining success,
they can be productive in themselves as a
critique of capitalism. Failures, as Judith
Halberstam has noted, open the potential for
re-imagining resistance as a queer space, not
quite submissive but not quite revolutionary
either (HALBERSTAM, 2006). In this sense, the
casting call that failed to attract attention was
precisely the moment that revealed the real
work of casters: to justify the failure, create an
alternative narrative of the event, and move on.
Still, a resistive spark remained. Despite his
enthusiasm for the job and the optimism for
the future, Andrew complained that at times
his job seemed “thankless” to him, “I’ve cast
shows where I don’t even get invited to the final
wrap party.” If alienation operates to disconnect
workers from their labors, we see in Andrew’s
comment a recognition and a rejection of any
starry-eyed admiration for the industry, perhaps
sowing a seed for future resistance.
Revista da Associação Nacional dos Programas de Pós-Graduação em Comunicação | E-compós, Brasília, v.12, n.3, set./dez. 2009.
while the older business owner narrated the
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References
BOLTANSKI, Luc; CHIAPELLO, Eve. The new spirit
of capitalism. Translation: Gregory Elliott. London:
Verso, 2005.
HALBERSTAM, Judith. Notes on failure (lecture).
Urbana: University of Illinois, 2006.
HORKHEIMER, Max; ADORNO, Theodor W. The
dialectic of enlightenment (1947) London:
Continuum, 1976.
MARX, Karl. Economic and philosophical manuscripts
11/13
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Press, 2000. p. 89-91.
www.e-compos.org.br
| E-ISSN 1808-2599 |
O retorno ao “social”:
estudos de teoria social
e cultura da produção
Resumen
Resumo
El presente artículo sostiene que los estudios sobre
Neste artigo, argumenta-se que os estudos
la producción de los medios de comunicación
de produção devem utilizar o estudo de caso
deberían basarse en los estudios de casos para
fundamentado para examinar e reformular as
poder evaluar y reformular las clásicas teorías
teorias clássicas da produção à luz da fase atual do
de producción en vista del nuevo espíritu de
capitalismo tardio. Para comprovar o argumento,
capitalismo. Es decir, se presentará un trabajo de
apresento uma pesquisa de campo com a equipe
campo sobre directores de reparto en la industria
de escalação dos participantes de um reality show
de la televisión-realidad, quienes no han podido
que falha na função de produção do “elenco” para
lograr sus metas de producción. Así, se propone que
o programa. Neste caso, o erro da equipe deve
los fracasos en el trabajo pueden iluminar cómo
ilustrar como a alienação é vivida no processo de
el concepto social de la enajenación se realiza por
produção televisiva.
medio de los procesos de la producción televisiva.
Palavras-chave
Palabras clave: Enajenación. Fracaso. Estudios de la
producción. Televisión-realidad. Teoría social.
Alienação. Fracasso. Estudos de produção. Reality
show. Teoria social.
Palabras clave
Enajenación. Fracaso. Estudios de la producción.
Televisión-realidad. Teoría social.
Recebido em:
09 de novembro de 2009
Avaliado e aprovado
pela comissão editorial
12/13
Revista da Associação Nacional dos Programas de Pós-Graduação em Comunicação | E-compós, Brasília, v.12, n.3, set./dez. 2009.
Reincorporar lo “social”:
estudios de la teoría social
y la cultura de producción
www.e-compos.org.br
| E-ISSN 1808-2599 |
E-COMPÓS | www.e-compos.org.br | E-ISSN 1808-2599
A revista E-Compós é a publicação científica em formato eletrônico da
Associação Nacional dos Programas de Pós-Graduação em Comunicação
(Compós). Lançada em 2004, tem como principal finalidade difundir a
produção acadêmica de pesquisadores da área de Comunicação, inseridos
em instituições do Brasil e do exterior.
Revista da Associação Nacional dos Programas
de Pós-Graduação em Comunicação.
Brasília, v.12, n.3, set./dez. 2009.
A identificação das edições, a partir de 2008,
passa a ser volume anual com três números.
CONSELHO EDITORIAL
Afonso Albuquerque
Universidade Federal Fluminense, Brasil
Alberto Carlos Augusto Klein
Universidade Estadual de Londrina, Brasil
Alex Fernando Teixeira Primo
Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul, Brasil
Alfredo Vizeu
Universidade Federal de Pernambuco, Brasil
Ana Carolina Damboriarena Escosteguy
Pontifícia Universidade Católica do Rio Grande do Sul, Brasil
Ana Silvia Lopes Davi Médola
Universidade Estadual Paulista, Brasil
André Luiz Martins Lemos
Universidade Federal da Bahia, Brasil
Ângela Freire Prysthon
Universidade Federal de Pernambuco, Brasil
Antônio Fausto Neto
Universidade do Vale do Rio dos Sinos, Brasil
Antonio Carlos Hohlfeldt
Pontifícia Universidade Católica do Rio Grande do Sul, Brasil
Arlindo Ribeiro Machado
Universidade de São Paulo, Brasil
César Geraldo Guimarães
Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais, Brasil
Cristiane Freitas Gutfreind
Pontifícia Universidade Católica do Rio Grande do Sul, Brasil
Denilson Lopes
Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro, Brasil
Eduardo Peñuela Cañizal
Universidade Paulista, Brasil
Erick Felinto de Oliveira
Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, Brasil
Francisco Menezes Martins
Universidade Tuiuti do Paraná, Brasil
Gelson Santana
Universidade Anhembi/Morumbi, Brasil
Goiamérico Felício
Universidade Federal de Goiás, Brasil
Hector Ospina
Universidad de Manizales, Colômbia
Herom Vargas
Universidade Municipal de São Caetano do Sul, Brasil
Ieda Tucherman
Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro, Brasil
Itania Maria Mota Gomes
Universidade Federal da Bahia, Brasil
Janice Caiafa
Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro, Brasil
Jeder Silveira Janotti Junior
Universidade Federal da Bahia, Brasil
João Freire Filho
Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro, Brasil
John DH Downing
University of Texas at Austin, Estados Unidos
José Luiz Aidar Prado
Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, Brasil
José Luiz Warren Jardim Gomes Braga
Universidade do Vale do Rio dos Sinos, Brasil
Juremir Machado da Silva
Pontifícia Universidade Católica do Rio Grande do Sul, Brasil
Lorraine Leu
University of Bristol, Grã-Bretanha
Luiz Claudio Martino
Universidade de Brasília, Brasil
Maria Immacolata Vassallo de Lopes
Universidade de São Paulo, Brasil
Maria Lucia Santaella
Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, Brasil
Mauro Pereira Porto
Tulane University, Estados Unidos
Muniz Sodre de Araujo Cabral
Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro, Brasil
Nilda Aparecida Jacks
Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul, Brasil
Paulo Roberto Gibaldi Vaz
Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro, Brasil
Renato Cordeiro Gomes
Pontifícia Universidade Católica do Rio de Janeiro, Brasil
Ronaldo George Helal
Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, Brasil
Rosana de Lima Soares
Universidade de São Paulo, Brasil
Rossana Reguillo
Instituto Tecnológico y de Estudios Superiores do Occidente, México
Rousiley Celi Moreira Maia
Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais, Brasil
Samuel Paiva
Universidade Federal de São Carlos, Brasil
Sebastião Albano
Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte, Brasil
Sebastião Carlos de Morais Squirra
Universidade Metodista de São Paulo, Brasil
Simone Maria Andrade Pereira de Sá
Universidade Federal Fluminense, Brasil
Suzete Venturelli
Universidade de Brasília, Brasil
Valério Cruz Brittos
Universidade do Vale do Rio dos Sinos, Brasil
Veneza Mayora Ronsini
Universidade Federal de Santa Maria, Brasil
Vera Regina Veiga França
Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais, Brasil
COMISSÃO EDITORIAL
Felipe da Costa Trotta | Universidade Federal de Pernambuco, Brasil
Rose Melo Rocha | Escola Superior de Propaganda e Marketing, Brasil
COMPÓS | www.compos.org.br
Associação Nacional dos Programas de Pós-Graduação em Comunicação
CONSULTORES AD HOC
Arthur Autran Franco de Sá Neto | Universidade Federal de São Carlos
Carlos Eduardo Franciscato | Universidade Federal de Sergipe
Elisa Reinhardt Piedras | Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul
Elizabeth Bastos Duarte | Universidade Federal de Santa Maria
Marcia Benetti Machado | Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul
Sandra Maria Lúcia Pereira Gonçalves | Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul
Suzana Kilpp | Universidade do Vale do Rio dos Sinos
Tattiana Gonçalves Teixeira | Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina
Vander Casaqui | Escola Superior de Propaganda e Marketing
Vicente Gosciola | Universidade Anhembi Morumbi
Walter Teixeira Lima Junior | Fundação Cásper Líbero
REVISÃO DE TEXTO E TRADUÇÃO | Everton Cardoso
EDITORAÇÃO ELETRÔNICA | Raquel Castedo
Presidente
Itania Maria Mota Gomes
Universidade Federal da Bahia, Brasil
[email protected]
Vice-presidente
Julio Pinto
Pontifícia Universidade Católica de Minas Gerais, Brasil
[email protected]
Secretária-Geral
Ana Carolina Escosteguy
Pontifícia Universidade Católica do Rio Grande do Sul, Brasil
[email protected]
13/13
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